Introduction
Three decades of negotiations and compromise between the Bangsamoro liberation front and the government of the Philippines as mediated by various organizations like the OIC has formed extensive agreements. These agreements however failed to put a stop on the horrid and expensive war on the Mindanao island. This essay will examine the roots of the unrelenting conflict, going through the long narrative of resistance and rebellion to be able to shed light on the changing political and economic conditions that explains the permanence of the issue. This paper will try to present what it views to be the shortcomings of the reconciliation efforts to resolve the predicament that has been propagating aggression in Mindanao and tries to present an approach with a new solution in order to fix the mistakes of the past and create a conducive condition for a long lasting peace in Mindanao. Lastly, this document will present how crucial this issue needs to be resolved.
History
The ongoing conflict and grievances of the Bangsamoro people is hooked on the historical discourse of discrimination and inequality during the colonial and post-colonial period of the Philippines. During that period, lands farmed and inhabited by the Muslims and indigenous people, were taken by the businessmen and Christian settlers who were brought by the foreign colonizers from the large-scale companies and likewise the northern and central part of the Philippines. According to Lara, “ The theft of the Moro’s land was facilitated and reinforced by an externally Spanish and American imposed set of property rights institutions based on the colonial system of titling, transfer, and sale of land over the Moro’s traditional system of communal ownership and stewardship of property.” (Lara, 2009) Eventually the disregard of the underprivileged countryside communities by the local government in Mindanao and the central state worsened the colonization of the land.
Apart from its historical roots, and the predicaments of land, mass poverty, neglect and other social inequalities that need the attention of the national government, the issue that needs serious and immediate attention is the political relationship of the Bangsamore people with the government because this political matter is assumed by certain sectors as the major cause of other social, economic and religious problems.
In the Journal, The New Mindanao Process, Lingga A. stated that, “For centuries the Spanish colonial government attempted to conquer the Muslim states and subjugate their political existence so as to add their territories to the Spanish colonies in the Philippine Islands. History, however, tells us that that plan never succeeded. These states with their organized maritime and infantry forces defended the Bangsamoro territories, thus preserving the continuity of their independence.(Lingga, 2004) For this reason, there has been a debates, on the basis on logic that someone cannot sell something that he does not own, because the Spain was never able to effectively and successfully carry out autonomy and dominance on the Bangsamoro territories, therefore the Bangsamoro territory should not been included in the territories ceded by Spain to the United States in the 1898 Treaty of Paris.
The Moro National Liberation Front was formed by Nur Misuari in the late 1960s again an armed insurgence broke out in Mindanao. This rebellion happened due to heaps of reasons however it had a lot to do with the desire to re-attain their condition of a unattached independent state or Bangsamoro. Where the Filipino Muslims would have power and access over social services that they could reap from the economic development in Mindanao and. Furthermore they want to establish a Islam way of life and safeguard their ancestral lands from being occupied by Filipino Christians or other international corporations.
Hostility raged in Mindanao because the initial response in Manila to the National Liberation Front was military and nature. Former President Ferdinand Marcos’ martial law in 1972 increased military resistance in the region. Horrendous efforts were made to alleviate the conflict like the creation of a Southern Philippines Development Authority and interference by the Organization of Islamic Conference. Everything seemed one step short of useless until President Gaddafi of Libya interfered. In the journal, The Mindanao Conflict and Prospects for Peace in the Southern Philippines, Russel R., expressed that, in 1976, the Tripoli Agreement was signed in Libya between the Philippine government and the MNLF. It provided for political autonomy for the thirteen provinces of Mindanao, Sulu and southern Palawan, which Moro Filipinos saw as their traditional homeland or sphere of influence. It also gave amnesty to the rebels. However, when then-President Marcos insisted on a plebiscite vote in the affected provinces to determine if local populations supported autonomy, the MNLF and its followers boycotted the vote. Only four provinces voted for autonomy, and so separate autonomous regions were established in Regions IX and XII. These autonomous governments were weak, and lacked political power and funding “ (Russel, 2004) In effect, divisions within the MNLF transpired due to the failure to achieve the real or meaningful independence which brought about dispute between the leaders of different ethno-linguistic and political leaders. In 1977 When Misuari agreed to the wishes oft acceded of the OIC to drop the Front’s proposal and instead settle for autonomy, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front or the MILF was established by Hashim Salamat.
When Corazon Aquino became president of the Philippines, the provisions of a new Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) as well as the Cordillera Autonomous Region (CAR) in northern Luzon was stipulated in the new constitution. The final agreement between the government and the MNLF was reached under the Presidenct of Fidel Ramos. The governement, MNLF, OIC Committee of Six and the OIC Secretariat were represented by Ambassador Manuel T. Yan, Nur Misuari, Ali Alatas and Dr. Hamid Al-Ghabid, respectively signed to the agreement, which signified the accomplishment of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement.
President Estrada declared an all out war against the MILF because they seek to be an independent state in spite of the former agreements made during the previous administration, a series of terrorist attacks transpired such as taking hostage Father Luciano Benedetti, burning of Talayan municipal hall, occupying of Kauswagan Municiapl Hall, take over of Ramos Highway etc.
When president Macapagal-Arroyo assumed the presidency position, she imposed a unilateral cease-fire and instigated probing talks with MILF. The MILF proposed condition s and the government responded favorably. These were: negotiations will be mediated by an OIC member country or the OIC, the factions involved will fulfill past agreements and lastly that the talk will be held in other countries. However President Arroyo’s peace efforts were endangered during the late 2008. The Memorandum of A Agreement on Ancestral Domain or MOA-AD between the government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation front. The MOA-AD stipulates numerous treaties, arrangements, laws and international conventions, however excludes any citation to the Philippine Constitution. The biggest issue is that the MOA-AD has violated national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country because under the MOA-AD there will be a BJE, a Bangsamoro Judicial entity which will have legislative powers, excluding them from laws passed bur the Congress likewise they will have a judicial system that need not the reconsideration of the Supreme court. Next, it is a right of all Moros to identify themselves as Bangsamoros, they shall have jurisdiction over their region and internal waters extending about 15 kms from the coastline. Lastly the ancestral domain excludes the government because the BJE can cancel any permits and titles made by the government of the Philippines. Having these, the factors of an independent state: 1. Governement 2. People 3. Territory are all available making a Bangsomoro state within the territory of the Philippines quite risky. The Supreme Court eventually barred the signing of this MOA-AD because it is very unconstitutional.
Key actors in the Peace Process
Government of the Republic of the Philippines
In dealing with rebellion and insurgence, the Government of the Republic of the Philippines is in charge of maintaining stability and protecting its sovereignty. There’s no shadow of a doubt that any president who could achieve peace in Mindanao during his or her administration can be seen as a major political victory. The region of Mindanao is endowed with natural resources, for this reason the Philippine government cannot risk it due to the scarcity of the country’s resources. More importantly, Mindanao has a population of 15 million tax payers and voters which is valuable to the government.
Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)
The MNLF was founded by Nur Misuari whose primarily goal is the secession from the Philippines and the establishment of an Islamic state. The sectarian violence in the southern Philippines, were the Muslims communities were attacked by the Christians led to the establishment of the group. The martial law declared by President Marcos aggravated the conflict. In the book Muslims in South East Asia: A Study in Minority
Problem, Chauhan expressed that the martial law had 3 features: 1.) centralization of regime left power in Christian hands; 2,) political restrictions left only the options of acceptance or “anti-regime revolutionary activities” and; 3,) collection of guns by the regime from citizens removed the chance to use force against it. The MNLF leadership maintains that the Front’s ideology was “Islamic and democratic, it favoured a democratic federal republic because it recognized that not all the people in Mindanao and the other Islands were Muslims.” (Chauhan, 1991) Lastly the OIC was able to change the MNLF’s view on secession, instead creating an autonomous region for the Muslims in Mindanao.
Nur Misuari
Nur Misuari was a political science professor at the University of the Philippines however stopped when President Marcos declared Martial Law in order to lead the MNLF. In the article Kris-Crossing Mindanao: Bite the Bullet, in the Philippine Daily Inquirer, Mercado mentioned, “His constituency gives him the title Maas Nur, with “Maas” being akin to the “Ho” of the Vietnamese. There are only 2 other people who carry this title in the contemporary struggle of the Muslim people in the Philippines (Mercado, 2001). He was acclaimed as a icon, an instrumental figure in putting an end to the 24 years of war during the year 1996. However his term as Governor of the autonomous region was criticized since he didn’t help improve conditions in Mindanao.
Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)
The creation of Moro Islamic Liberation Front by Hashim Salamat occurred because he saw Nur Misuari’s leadership ineffective. In the article, The Moro Jihad: Continuous Struggle for Islamic Independence in Southern Philippines by Zahir he stated that, the MILF also believed that the ultimate motive of the Philippine government is to carry out its “genocide campaign” by increasing the influx of Christian settlers in Mindanao. Their demand is for an independent and sovereign Moro Islamic State as opposed to Misuari’s accession to autonomy (Zahir, 1998). They declare that their ideology is Islam in contrast to MNLF’s secular-nationalist stance. Hashim Salamat, who studied in the Al-Azhar University of Cairo, once said that the “MILF emergenciess the crystallization of the widespread animosity and deep-rooted displeasure of the Bangsamoro people vis-à-vis the illegal and immoral usurpation of their freedom and self-determination.” They look forward to the full Islamisation of all aspects of life of the Bangsamoro people. The MILF also does not recognize the Philippine government and Constitution (Salamat, 1998). On the other hand MILF has continued an open relationship with the civil society and other political forces aside from the Muslim community although they are generally viewed as fundamentalists.
Ambassadors of the Organization Islamic Conference
This organization is the Muslim world’s communal voice, which pledges to protect and safeguard the interests of the Muslim world through encouraging and promoting international peace and harmony among various people of the world.
Flaws
One of the flaws is how the agreements between the MILF, GRP and OIC had been negotiated. The OIC from the very start had its own direction on how to solve the problem, however the OIC overlooked the tackling of the main issue of the problem because they were more interested in having a success story in conflict mediation. The second flaw was the misunderstanding of the key actors. The OIC was right in the detection that the government as part and parcel of the conflict, however it ignored that the MNLF was there to represent the Bangsamoro people. The third flaw is the lack of contribution of the Bangsamoro people in the peace process. When the MNLF made their decision to change their aim regarding the secession, they left behind the hearts and minds of their people since they failed to discuss it with their people. Thus the consequence was the lack of the support for the peace negotiations, which led to the shift of support from the MNLF to the MILF which promised independence. Having this shift in support, it will have a long lasting consequence since this group will continue to push for an independent state which can not be possible since a president’s goal is to give importance to territorial integrity.
Conclusion
The on going dispute in Mindanao has staggered the potential development in the region. The MILF peace process is an important factor in constructing long lasting peace and development in the southern region of the Philippines but it is not an immediate solution to the instability in the region. The long history of this dispute includes the approaches that backfired in resolving the conflicts, which have also severely separated the populace of the southern Philippines.
Moro ethno-linguistic rivalries are deep in nature in and it is only set aside when they unite in the face of the enemy, however that union is absent in uniting for a shared intention of economic integration and governance.
The implementation of a Moro agreement is deemed as critical in aiming to build a Moro unity. More importantly, pitfalls such as the intra-Moro enmity and discord must be addressed where in the MILF and MNLF should build a common vision on the Moro ancestral domain. Peace negotiation with various rebel groups is essential because it will serve as an assembly for the purpose of communicating interests and afflictions compulsory in crafting a conducive and viable approach for Mindanao. More importantly, they should sit down in a diplomatic conference and execute decision-making power with the government in order to develop cooperation and support among local Moro government leaders and its populace.
An alternative solution to this crisis is that the government should enforce a short term Martial law. The MILF and MNLF should be disarmed. The group maintained by the Arm forces and private armies empowered by local governments should be disbanded and disarmed. Likewise there should be a ban on all firearms in Mindanao accompanied by rigid sanctions for illegal possession of such. Once the people can follow the law and respect the rights of their neighbor, the martial law can be lifted. After which, the government will allocate resources to create jobs, create more schools, build infrastructures such as roads and highways to remote areas. Such improvements will attract foreign investors, which will integrate the Muslim people economically.
References:
Chauhan, Rajinder Singh. 1991. Muslims in South East Asia: A Study in Minority
Problem. India: Kanishka Publishing House.
Lara, F. (2009). Inclusive Peace in Muslim Mindanao: Revisiting the Dynamic of Conflict and Exclusion. PWPFS
Lingga, A. (2005). The Mindanao Peace Process: Needing a New Formula
Mercado, Jr., Fr. Eliseo. 2001. Kris-Crossing Mindanao: Bite the Bullet. In Philippine Daily Inquirer.
Russel, S.(2004). The Mindanao Conflict and Prospects for Peace in the Southern Philippines. DeKalb, Illinois, U.S.A.
Salamat, Hashim, 1998. Perhaps the Moro Struggle for Freedom and Self-Determination is the Longest and Bloodiest in the Entire History of Mankind.
Zahir, Sheikh Abu, 1998. The Moro Jihad: Continuous Struggle for Islamic
Independence in Southern Philippines.
Three decades of negotiations and compromise between the Bangsamoro liberation front and the government of the Philippines as mediated by various organizations like the OIC has formed extensive agreements. These agreements however failed to put a stop on the horrid and expensive war on the Mindanao island. This essay will examine the roots of the unrelenting conflict, going through the long narrative of resistance and rebellion to be able to shed light on the changing political and economic conditions that explains the permanence of the issue. This paper will try to present what it views to be the shortcomings of the reconciliation efforts to resolve the predicament that has been propagating aggression in Mindanao and tries to present an approach with a new solution in order to fix the mistakes of the past and create a conducive condition for a long lasting peace in Mindanao. Lastly, this document will present how crucial this issue needs to be resolved.
History
The ongoing conflict and grievances of the Bangsamoro people is hooked on the historical discourse of discrimination and inequality during the colonial and post-colonial period of the Philippines. During that period, lands farmed and inhabited by the Muslims and indigenous people, were taken by the businessmen and Christian settlers who were brought by the foreign colonizers from the large-scale companies and likewise the northern and central part of the Philippines. According to Lara, “ The theft of the Moro’s land was facilitated and reinforced by an externally Spanish and American imposed set of property rights institutions based on the colonial system of titling, transfer, and sale of land over the Moro’s traditional system of communal ownership and stewardship of property.” (Lara, 2009) Eventually the disregard of the underprivileged countryside communities by the local government in Mindanao and the central state worsened the colonization of the land.
Apart from its historical roots, and the predicaments of land, mass poverty, neglect and other social inequalities that need the attention of the national government, the issue that needs serious and immediate attention is the political relationship of the Bangsamore people with the government because this political matter is assumed by certain sectors as the major cause of other social, economic and religious problems.
In the Journal, The New Mindanao Process, Lingga A. stated that, “For centuries the Spanish colonial government attempted to conquer the Muslim states and subjugate their political existence so as to add their territories to the Spanish colonies in the Philippine Islands. History, however, tells us that that plan never succeeded. These states with their organized maritime and infantry forces defended the Bangsamoro territories, thus preserving the continuity of their independence.(Lingga, 2004) For this reason, there has been a debates, on the basis on logic that someone cannot sell something that he does not own, because the Spain was never able to effectively and successfully carry out autonomy and dominance on the Bangsamoro territories, therefore the Bangsamoro territory should not been included in the territories ceded by Spain to the United States in the 1898 Treaty of Paris.
The Moro National Liberation Front was formed by Nur Misuari in the late 1960s again an armed insurgence broke out in Mindanao. This rebellion happened due to heaps of reasons however it had a lot to do with the desire to re-attain their condition of a unattached independent state or Bangsamoro. Where the Filipino Muslims would have power and access over social services that they could reap from the economic development in Mindanao and. Furthermore they want to establish a Islam way of life and safeguard their ancestral lands from being occupied by Filipino Christians or other international corporations.
Hostility raged in Mindanao because the initial response in Manila to the National Liberation Front was military and nature. Former President Ferdinand Marcos’ martial law in 1972 increased military resistance in the region. Horrendous efforts were made to alleviate the conflict like the creation of a Southern Philippines Development Authority and interference by the Organization of Islamic Conference. Everything seemed one step short of useless until President Gaddafi of Libya interfered. In the journal, The Mindanao Conflict and Prospects for Peace in the Southern Philippines, Russel R., expressed that, in 1976, the Tripoli Agreement was signed in Libya between the Philippine government and the MNLF. It provided for political autonomy for the thirteen provinces of Mindanao, Sulu and southern Palawan, which Moro Filipinos saw as their traditional homeland or sphere of influence. It also gave amnesty to the rebels. However, when then-President Marcos insisted on a plebiscite vote in the affected provinces to determine if local populations supported autonomy, the MNLF and its followers boycotted the vote. Only four provinces voted for autonomy, and so separate autonomous regions were established in Regions IX and XII. These autonomous governments were weak, and lacked political power and funding “ (Russel, 2004) In effect, divisions within the MNLF transpired due to the failure to achieve the real or meaningful independence which brought about dispute between the leaders of different ethno-linguistic and political leaders. In 1977 When Misuari agreed to the wishes oft acceded of the OIC to drop the Front’s proposal and instead settle for autonomy, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front or the MILF was established by Hashim Salamat.
When Corazon Aquino became president of the Philippines, the provisions of a new Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) as well as the Cordillera Autonomous Region (CAR) in northern Luzon was stipulated in the new constitution. The final agreement between the government and the MNLF was reached under the Presidenct of Fidel Ramos. The governement, MNLF, OIC Committee of Six and the OIC Secretariat were represented by Ambassador Manuel T. Yan, Nur Misuari, Ali Alatas and Dr. Hamid Al-Ghabid, respectively signed to the agreement, which signified the accomplishment of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement.
President Estrada declared an all out war against the MILF because they seek to be an independent state in spite of the former agreements made during the previous administration, a series of terrorist attacks transpired such as taking hostage Father Luciano Benedetti, burning of Talayan municipal hall, occupying of Kauswagan Municiapl Hall, take over of Ramos Highway etc.
When president Macapagal-Arroyo assumed the presidency position, she imposed a unilateral cease-fire and instigated probing talks with MILF. The MILF proposed condition s and the government responded favorably. These were: negotiations will be mediated by an OIC member country or the OIC, the factions involved will fulfill past agreements and lastly that the talk will be held in other countries. However President Arroyo’s peace efforts were endangered during the late 2008. The Memorandum of A Agreement on Ancestral Domain or MOA-AD between the government of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation front. The MOA-AD stipulates numerous treaties, arrangements, laws and international conventions, however excludes any citation to the Philippine Constitution. The biggest issue is that the MOA-AD has violated national sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country because under the MOA-AD there will be a BJE, a Bangsamoro Judicial entity which will have legislative powers, excluding them from laws passed bur the Congress likewise they will have a judicial system that need not the reconsideration of the Supreme court. Next, it is a right of all Moros to identify themselves as Bangsamoros, they shall have jurisdiction over their region and internal waters extending about 15 kms from the coastline. Lastly the ancestral domain excludes the government because the BJE can cancel any permits and titles made by the government of the Philippines. Having these, the factors of an independent state: 1. Governement 2. People 3. Territory are all available making a Bangsomoro state within the territory of the Philippines quite risky. The Supreme Court eventually barred the signing of this MOA-AD because it is very unconstitutional.
Key actors in the Peace Process
Government of the Republic of the Philippines
In dealing with rebellion and insurgence, the Government of the Republic of the Philippines is in charge of maintaining stability and protecting its sovereignty. There’s no shadow of a doubt that any president who could achieve peace in Mindanao during his or her administration can be seen as a major political victory. The region of Mindanao is endowed with natural resources, for this reason the Philippine government cannot risk it due to the scarcity of the country’s resources. More importantly, Mindanao has a population of 15 million tax payers and voters which is valuable to the government.
Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF)
The MNLF was founded by Nur Misuari whose primarily goal is the secession from the Philippines and the establishment of an Islamic state. The sectarian violence in the southern Philippines, were the Muslims communities were attacked by the Christians led to the establishment of the group. The martial law declared by President Marcos aggravated the conflict. In the book Muslims in South East Asia: A Study in Minority
Problem, Chauhan expressed that the martial law had 3 features: 1.) centralization of regime left power in Christian hands; 2,) political restrictions left only the options of acceptance or “anti-regime revolutionary activities” and; 3,) collection of guns by the regime from citizens removed the chance to use force against it. The MNLF leadership maintains that the Front’s ideology was “Islamic and democratic, it favoured a democratic federal republic because it recognized that not all the people in Mindanao and the other Islands were Muslims.” (Chauhan, 1991) Lastly the OIC was able to change the MNLF’s view on secession, instead creating an autonomous region for the Muslims in Mindanao.
Nur Misuari
Nur Misuari was a political science professor at the University of the Philippines however stopped when President Marcos declared Martial Law in order to lead the MNLF. In the article Kris-Crossing Mindanao: Bite the Bullet, in the Philippine Daily Inquirer, Mercado mentioned, “His constituency gives him the title Maas Nur, with “Maas” being akin to the “Ho” of the Vietnamese. There are only 2 other people who carry this title in the contemporary struggle of the Muslim people in the Philippines (Mercado, 2001). He was acclaimed as a icon, an instrumental figure in putting an end to the 24 years of war during the year 1996. However his term as Governor of the autonomous region was criticized since he didn’t help improve conditions in Mindanao.
Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)
The creation of Moro Islamic Liberation Front by Hashim Salamat occurred because he saw Nur Misuari’s leadership ineffective. In the article, The Moro Jihad: Continuous Struggle for Islamic Independence in Southern Philippines by Zahir he stated that, the MILF also believed that the ultimate motive of the Philippine government is to carry out its “genocide campaign” by increasing the influx of Christian settlers in Mindanao. Their demand is for an independent and sovereign Moro Islamic State as opposed to Misuari’s accession to autonomy (Zahir, 1998). They declare that their ideology is Islam in contrast to MNLF’s secular-nationalist stance. Hashim Salamat, who studied in the Al-Azhar University of Cairo, once said that the “MILF emergenciess the crystallization of the widespread animosity and deep-rooted displeasure of the Bangsamoro people vis-à-vis the illegal and immoral usurpation of their freedom and self-determination.” They look forward to the full Islamisation of all aspects of life of the Bangsamoro people. The MILF also does not recognize the Philippine government and Constitution (Salamat, 1998). On the other hand MILF has continued an open relationship with the civil society and other political forces aside from the Muslim community although they are generally viewed as fundamentalists.
Ambassadors of the Organization Islamic Conference
This organization is the Muslim world’s communal voice, which pledges to protect and safeguard the interests of the Muslim world through encouraging and promoting international peace and harmony among various people of the world.
Flaws
One of the flaws is how the agreements between the MILF, GRP and OIC had been negotiated. The OIC from the very start had its own direction on how to solve the problem, however the OIC overlooked the tackling of the main issue of the problem because they were more interested in having a success story in conflict mediation. The second flaw was the misunderstanding of the key actors. The OIC was right in the detection that the government as part and parcel of the conflict, however it ignored that the MNLF was there to represent the Bangsamoro people. The third flaw is the lack of contribution of the Bangsamoro people in the peace process. When the MNLF made their decision to change their aim regarding the secession, they left behind the hearts and minds of their people since they failed to discuss it with their people. Thus the consequence was the lack of the support for the peace negotiations, which led to the shift of support from the MNLF to the MILF which promised independence. Having this shift in support, it will have a long lasting consequence since this group will continue to push for an independent state which can not be possible since a president’s goal is to give importance to territorial integrity.
Conclusion
The on going dispute in Mindanao has staggered the potential development in the region. The MILF peace process is an important factor in constructing long lasting peace and development in the southern region of the Philippines but it is not an immediate solution to the instability in the region. The long history of this dispute includes the approaches that backfired in resolving the conflicts, which have also severely separated the populace of the southern Philippines.
Moro ethno-linguistic rivalries are deep in nature in and it is only set aside when they unite in the face of the enemy, however that union is absent in uniting for a shared intention of economic integration and governance.
The implementation of a Moro agreement is deemed as critical in aiming to build a Moro unity. More importantly, pitfalls such as the intra-Moro enmity and discord must be addressed where in the MILF and MNLF should build a common vision on the Moro ancestral domain. Peace negotiation with various rebel groups is essential because it will serve as an assembly for the purpose of communicating interests and afflictions compulsory in crafting a conducive and viable approach for Mindanao. More importantly, they should sit down in a diplomatic conference and execute decision-making power with the government in order to develop cooperation and support among local Moro government leaders and its populace.
An alternative solution to this crisis is that the government should enforce a short term Martial law. The MILF and MNLF should be disarmed. The group maintained by the Arm forces and private armies empowered by local governments should be disbanded and disarmed. Likewise there should be a ban on all firearms in Mindanao accompanied by rigid sanctions for illegal possession of such. Once the people can follow the law and respect the rights of their neighbor, the martial law can be lifted. After which, the government will allocate resources to create jobs, create more schools, build infrastructures such as roads and highways to remote areas. Such improvements will attract foreign investors, which will integrate the Muslim people economically.
References:
Chauhan, Rajinder Singh. 1991. Muslims in South East Asia: A Study in Minority
Problem. India: Kanishka Publishing House.
Lara, F. (2009). Inclusive Peace in Muslim Mindanao: Revisiting the Dynamic of Conflict and Exclusion. PWPFS
Lingga, A. (2005). The Mindanao Peace Process: Needing a New Formula
Mercado, Jr., Fr. Eliseo. 2001. Kris-Crossing Mindanao: Bite the Bullet. In Philippine Daily Inquirer.
Russel, S.(2004). The Mindanao Conflict and Prospects for Peace in the Southern Philippines. DeKalb, Illinois, U.S.A.
Salamat, Hashim, 1998. Perhaps the Moro Struggle for Freedom and Self-Determination is the Longest and Bloodiest in the Entire History of Mankind.
Zahir, Sheikh Abu, 1998. The Moro Jihad: Continuous Struggle for Islamic
Independence in Southern Philippines.
hey Bach, Jimmy here. I double checked if you plagiarized anything, well congratulations you cited sources properly however there was a site who quoted your introduction. here's the link:
ReplyDeletehttp://yahyasheikho786.wordpress.com/2010/07/18/the-catalyst-peace-process-in-mindanao-and-the-islamic-moro-problem/
but don't fret he gave a link that it was from your account.
Btw I learned a lot from your essay. :)
This comment has been removed by the author.
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